Florence Brough
-
BROUGH, Florence (1856-1932)
English actress & vocalist (contralto). Née Florence Major; aka Mrs Robert Brough; aka Florence Trevelyan. Born 4 November 1856, Covent Garden, London, England. Daughter of Richard Major and Harriet Davis. Sister of Emma Temple (actress) and Brenda Gibson (actress). Married (1) Robert Brough (actor), 26 July 1880, St James Church, Plymouth, Devon, England, (2) Cyril Bell (actor), 1909, Sydney, NSW, Australia. Died 7 January 1932, Sydney, NSW, Australia, aged 74.
On stage in England and Australia from 1876. Based in Australia from 1886.
-
BROUGH, Robert (1855-1906)
English actor, vocalist & manager. Né Lionel Barnabas Brough; aka LB Brough. Born 13 July 1855, London, England. Married Florence Brough (actress), 26 July 1880, Plymouth, Devon, England. Died 20 April 1906, Sydney, NSW, Australia.
On stage in England and Australia from 1871. Based in Australia from 1885. Co-managed Brough-Boucicault Comedy Company with Dion Boucicault Jr from 1886-1896.
-
Little Wunder: The story of the Palace Theatre, Sydney (Part 12)
The year 1911 saw Sydney’s Palace Theatre go from strength to strength, with the appearance of new players and old favourites and the staging of some of the year’s most riotous comedies. ELISABETH KUMM explains in Part 12 of her history of the Pitt Street venue.Christmas1910 at the Palace Theatre saw the return of Hugh J. Ward’s company, bringing with them a new comedy, The Girl from Rector’s, which opened on Christmas Eve, 24 December. With this season, Ward was also announcing his ‘farewell to the footlights’, having accepted an offer from J.C. Williamson Ltd. to become a principal with The Firm.
Described in the bills as ‘A riotous piece of extravagance’, ‘A laughing paralysis in four fits’ and ‘A spicy banquet of merriment’, the new piece was a comedy in four acts by Paul M. Potter (best known for turning George Du Maurier’s 1896 novel Trilby into a play). Ward’s company had presented the first Australian production of The Girl from Rector’s at the Princess Theatre in Melbourne the previous June, and on tour, where it was a huge success. Derived from the French farce, Loute, by Pierre Veber, the play focusses on the adulterous goings-on of several couples.1 When it was first produced in Trenton, New Jersey (29 January 1909) by A.H. Woods, it attracted the ire of the local clergy and was withdrawn after just one out-of-town ‘try-out’. As a result, it received a great reception when it moved to Broadway, opening at Weber’s Music Hall on 1 February 1909, and playing for 184 performances.2
In advertisements, Ward reproduced a rather tongue-in-cheek ‘Author’s Note’, which read:
The Girl from Rector’s is a full version of Pierre Veber’s famous comedy ‘Loute’, which has had a triumphant career in Europe. Based on the strange theory that married men often lead double lives, and that the saint of the rural home may be the Lothario of its city, Mr Potter hesitated to introduce this comedy to a community where he believed, in his innocence, that married men of double lives were practically unknown, but as many recent lawsuits have tended to prove the contrary, the management has decided to produce the play, in the hopes that it will serve as a warning to husbands, and strengthen the hands of matrons and maids who are battling for the purity of the home.3
Like many farces, its plot is complicated. Nevertheless, the central character, has just been dumped by her lover Richard O’Shaughnessy, a New York playboy. She goes by the name of Loute Sedaine, but she is actually the wife of a small-town judge. Richard is on the hunt for a new girlfriend and falls for a pretty heiress, Marcia Singleton, who is also the object of Professor Maboon’s affections. Richard tells Colonel Tandy of his plans, little knowing that Tandy is really Marcia’s father, believed by his wife and daughter to be Martinique. In the end identities are revealed and the various couples pair off, with Loute returning to her husband and Richard marrying Marcia. The final big scene involves a dinner in a suburban restaurant between Loute and Richard, whereby the staff are all Marcia’s friends and family in disguise.
The play’s title, which references a stylish New York restaurant, has little to do with the plot, but rather reflects the current fashion for plays and musicals with titles beginning The Girl from … .4
In America, the central characters were played by Violet Dale (Loute Sedaine), Van Rensselaer Wheeler (Richard O’Shaughnessy), Nena Blake (Marcia Singleton), William Burress (Colonel Tandy), Herbert Carr (Judge Caperton), Elita Proctor Otis (Mrs Witherspoon Copley) and Dallas Wellford (Professor Aubrey Maboon). In Sydney, the same roles were performed by Grace Palotta, Aubrey Mallalieu, Ruby Baxter, Reginald Wykeham, Robert Greig, Celia Ghiloni and Hugh J. Ward.
The farce was to have been followed by another comedy on 28 January 1911, but on account of it “drawing such crowded audiences”, Ward decided to keep it running for a fortnight longer.5
The Girl from Rector’s was finally withdrawn on 3 February 1911, and the following night Seven Days was produced for the first time in Australia. By way of a publicity stunt, prior to its opening, one of the ladies in the company, Clara Budgin, undertook to climb a scaffold and paste a huge poster on the side of a building in Pitt Street announcing the opening of the play. This stunt was undertaken in response to a claim in a newspaper article that there was “at least one business in which women could not excel”: namely bill posting!6
Though not as hilarious as The Girl from Rector’s, Avery Hopwood and Mary Robert Rinehart’s three-act comedy did very well on Broadway, playing for a year (some reviews exaggerating it to two!). Based on Rinehart’s 1908 novella When a Man Marries, it was her first play and only the second play of co-writer Hopwood. The two would enjoy further successes with Spanish Love and The Bat.
Seven Days opened on Broadway at the Astor Theatre on 10 November 1909, following a single ‘try-out’ performance at the Taylor Opera Houe in Trenton, New Jersey, on 1 November. Deftly combining comedy and crime, the play centres on a group of people who are forced to spend seven days together after a case of smallpox is detected among the servants. James Wilson has divorced, but has not told his rich Aunt Selina, so when she comes to visit, he gets Kit McNair to pretend to be his wife. Just before the household is thrown into quarantine, James’s former wife arrives, as does James’s friend Dallas Brown with wife Anne; Tom Harbison, an admirer of Kit’s (amazed to find her ‘married’); a red-headed police officer; and a burglar in hiding. The Broadway line-up included Herbert Corthell (James Wilson), Lucille La Verne (Aunt Selina), Georgie O’Ramsey (Kit McNair), Hope Latham (Bella Knowles), Allan Pollock (Dallas Brown), Florence Reed (Anne Brown), Carl Eckstrom (Tom Harbison), Jay Wilson (Office Flannigan) and William Eville (Tubby McGirk). Unlike The Girl from Rector’s, Seven Days also played a short season in London, when it was performed at the New Theatre for 16 performances from 15 March 1915, with Lennox Pawle, Lotte Venne, Athene Seyler and Auriol Lee.
Seven Days was performed for the final three weeks of Ward’s season at the Palace, with the key roles played by Hugh J. Ward (James Wilson), Celia Ghiloni (Aunt Selina), Grace Palotta (Kit McNair), Ruby Baxter (Bella Knowles), Aubrey Mallalieu (Dallas Brown), Maud Chetwynd (Anne Brown), Reginald Wyckham (Tom Harbison), Robert Greig (Office Flannigan) and H.H. Wallace (Tubby McGirk). Opening night was a memorable one for Ward. Not only was he entering his final weeks as an actor-manager, but just before the curtain went up, he received news that his house (‘Lafayette’, William Street, Double Bay) was on fire. Fortunately, the fire crew was able to contain the blaze to a bathroom, lavatory, and luggage room, but the timing was not great. This was on top of an already busy week for Ward, not only rehearsing a new play, but as the chief organiser and participant in a benefit for two surf lifesavers. The benefit, which was held at the Stadium (in Rushcutters Bay), took the form of a ‘boxing display’, including a match between Ward and Reginald ‘Snowy’ Baker (a professional pugilist and brother of one of the lifesavers). The event raised £800. (For the record, Ward won the bout when in the second round he delivered a knockout punch with his left to Snowy’s jaw. Snowy fell back and hit his head and was carried off unconscious. Shocked at the outcome, Ward vowed to hang up his gloves!)
On the last night of the season, Saturday, 25 February 1911, by way of his farewell to the stage, Ward performed his Scarecrow dance for the first time in Sydney. The dance was part of a larger sketch entitled The Scarecrow, which according to publicity had been devised by him some years earlier when he was appearing in Paris at the Théâtre du Châtelet. The character was subsequently introduced into the Drury Lane pantomime Humpty Dumpty in 1903–1904. A quote from the London Telegraph was included in newspaper ads:
A wonderful scarecrow of old clothes and bursting straw stuffing, impersonated with rare skill by Mr. Ward. His movement, so invertebrate and fifth of Novemberish, are like nothing we have ever seen. There is a pathetic grotesqueness about them quite fascinating.7
With the departure of Ward and his company, Spencer’s Theatrescope Company commenced a short season at the Palace (pending their relocation to the Lyceum Theatre) and over the following fortnight they presented a weekly change of ‘picture plays’ beginning with Rip Van Winkleon 27 February.
Saturday, 11 March 1911 saw the arrival of the Hamilton-Plimmer-Denniston company, fresh from a successful tour of New Zealand. The company, which was considered the heir to the old Brough-Boucicault company, included Mrs Robert Brough (nee Florence Trevelyn), the widow of Robert Brough who had died in 1906. After his death she had gone to the ‘old country’ for a time and had also (rather unexpectedly) remarried. The three directors of the new company had also performed with the Brough company at various times. When he was last at the Palace, Allan Hamilton had been associated with Max Maxwell, but with the dissolution of that partnership, he joined forces with Harry Plimmer and Reynolds Denniston. The combination that was now at the Palace had previously appeared in Sydney in September 1910 at the Theatre Royal.
Pre-publicity suggested that they would be opening their season with the first Australian production of Somerset Maugham’s comedy Smith. However, this was not the case. Instead, they revived A Message from Mars (Hamilton having acquired the sole Australian rights from Clarke and Meynell), with Plimmer as Horace Parker and Denniston as the Messenger. Lizette Parkes was Minnie Templar and Mrs Robert Brough was Aunt Martha. The play was mounted with all new scenery by Harry Whaite. As the season was strictly limited to five weeks, it was withdrawn on 17 March and replaced by The Passing of the Third Floor Back. Written by Jerome K. Jerome (based on his short story) and originally performed in England in 1909 with Johnston Forbes Robertson and Gertrude Elliott, it was subsequently staged in Australia by the Clarke and Meynell company in June/July 1910 with star London actors Matheson Lang and Hutin Britton. Sub-titled, ‘an idle fantasy’, it was the story of a mysterious stranger who takes a room in a London boarding-house, and one by one he helps its miserable and dissolute tenants to find their ‘better selves’. For the current revival, Harry Plimmer played The Stranger, with Lizette Parkes as the Slavey, Mrs Brough as the Landlady, and Reynolds Denniston as Major Tompkins.
On the 25 March 1911, the Hamilton-Plimmer-Denniston company presented their last play for the season, a revival of Lovers’ Lane, a rustic tale of a “country parson’s troubles with his flock and his sweethearts”, by Clyde Fitch. First performed in America in 1909 and by the current company in 1910, it saw Harry Plimmer reprise his role of the Rev. Thomas Singleton, with Reynolds Denniston as Herbert Woodbridge, Mrs Brough as Mrs Woodbridge, Valentine Sidney as Miss Mattie, and Lizette Parkes as Simplicity Johnson. During the second act, Myra Wall, sang ‘Ben Bolt’ (composed by Nelson Kneass in 1848 and memorably reprised in Trilby), and Lizette Parkes, together with a ‘band of merry youngsters’, sang ‘The Old Red School’ (by Irving B. Lee, with music by Hampton Durand).8
With the close of the season, the company headed north to Brisbane. In advance, Allan Hamilton secured a return season at the Palace in September.
Next, for two nights only, Saturday, 1 April and Monday, 3 April, the Sydney Stage Society presented Civil War, a comedy in four acts by Ashley Dukes. It saw the reappearance of G.S. Titheradge, who as Sir John Latimer ‘gave an able and polished exposition of the proud and obstinate old Baronet’.9 He was supported by Leonard Willey, Stephen Scarlett, Lily Titheradge and Ruby Ward. A.E. Greenaway directed.
From 4–7 April, the Palace hosted the Lyric Opera Company in a new and original Australian ‘Musical Military Frisk’ by P.C. Gray (libretto) and George Tott (music) called 19–20. It seems rehearsals had been held in September 1910 and these were the premiere performances. A notable element of the production were the ballets created by Ruby Hooper (a younger sister of J.C. Williamson ballet mistress, Minnie Hooper) which featured a young Madge Elliott as solo danseuse.10
George Marlow was back on 8 April with The Luck of Roaring Camp—the play that had been a huge hit the previous year. But it was not the play! It was the ‘moving picture’ version, directed by W.J. Lincoln, with Ethel Buckley reprising her role of Nell Curtis. The hero, Will Gordon, was now played by Robert Inman. The review in the Sydney Morning Herald (10 April 1911, p.4) noted:
The drama was played before the camera by George Marlow’s dramatic company … and the result, as shown, by the pictures, is a thrilling “story without words” … The play has been carefully selected for this method of portrayal, because it teems with exciting episodes and thrilling incidents in particular that could never be seen on any stage without the camera is the splendid exhibition of horsemanship shown by a team of rough-riders.
The film, which had been seen in Melbourne the previous March, was being screened in Sydney for the first time. It played for six nights only as part of a longer program of films.11
Good Friday, 14 April saw a Grand Sacred Concert, which featured The Royal Hawaiians.
The next evening West’s Pictures returned. Over the following months they screened films in two venues, the Palace and the Glaciarium, though in June, the pictures moved from the open air Glaciarium to the newly-opened Princess Theatre in George Street, opposite Central Station, and from 4 August, they used just the Princess, and the Palace returned to live entertainment.
On 5 August 1911, William Anderson took over the lease of the Palace, opening with the first Sydney appearance of Tom Liddiard’s Lilliputians. This ‘Great company of Little Artists’ had been formed in 1907 and since that time had been touring throughout India and the East. Since returning to Australia in April 1910, the company undertook several regional tours and had joined forces with William Anderson’s management to present the pantomime The Old Woman Who Lived in a Shoe. The show received its first Australian outing at Christmas 1910 at the King’s Theatre in Melbourne. Prior to their arrival in Sydney, the pantomime had been seen in Adelaide, Broken Hill, Ballarat and Bendigo.
Reviews were quick to point out that it was a risky move presenting pantomime outside of the festive season, but nevertheless, Anderson seemed to know what he was doing. The Lilliputians proved a big drawcard. The pantomime by F. Major drew on a whole bevy of characters from nursery rhymes and fairy tales, headed by Jack Dauntless played by Lily Clarke, whose ‘graceful and effective’ singing and dancing proved a drawcard. Her song ‘Hello, Little Girl’ was particularly effective. Another song, ‘Why Does My Heart Beat So?’ was introduced by another youngster, Dorothea Liddle, in the role of Jill.12
From 26 August, with the arrival of William Anderson’s Dramatic Company, the pantomime played selected matinees only, touring to nearby theatres at other times. The Anderson Co. had been performing at the Criterion Theatre since 12 August, but was forced to vacate the theatre to make way for British actress Ethel Irving, who was opening her Sydney debut season on 26 August.
The new show was The Man from Outback, a melodrama in four acts by Albert Edmunds (the pen name of Bert Bailey and Edmund Duggan). An Australian-themed melodrama set on a cattle station—involving the capture of cattle rustlers by the owner’s feisty daughter with the help of a mysterious stranger—the play, which capitalised on the success of The Squatter’s Daughter, had first been produced in 1909 at the King’s Theatre in Melbourne, and had recently been revived at the King’s in July/August 1911. This was its first Sydney representation. The title character, Dave Goulburn, was played by Roy Redgrave (he created the role in 1909), supported by Olive Wilton as Mona Maitland, with Bert Bailey in the comic role of Joe Lachlan, and Edmund Duggan and Rutland Beckett as the chief villains. The play was well received, with the Sydney Morning Herald (7 August 1911, p.6) noting:
From the opening scene to the final curtain it gripped the audience, and clearly, ‘The Man from Outback’ has come for a prolonged stay. Its joint authors, Mr Bert Bailey and Mr Edmund Duggan, in this second effort have improved upon ‘The Squatter’s Daughter’. The plot is good, its unfolding moves briskly forward, the dialogue is to the point, and the whole environment is that of the Australian bush.
Of the cast, Roy Redgrave is probably one of the more interesting actors. He had been in Australia on and off since 1904 and prior to joining William Anderson’s company in 1909, he had returned to England, where he met and married his second wife, the actress Daisy (Margaret) Scudamore. In mid-1909, six months after the birth of their son Michael, the family travelled to Australia, under contact to William Anderson’s company, opening in Melbourne in August 1909 in The Bushwoman. Daisy played the heroine, Kate, with Roy as her lover Jack Dunstan. Off stage relations between Daisy and Roy were fractious, and when Daisy’s contract with Anderson expired in August 1910, she returned to London with her son. Michael Redgrave would go on to achieve accolades as an actor on both stage and screen (receiving a knighthood in 1959), with Roy becoming the patriarch of an acting family that spawned three generations.13
On 3 September, The Man from Outback gave way to The Christian. This was a revised version of a play by Hall Caine, based partly on his 1896 novel of the same name. It told the story of a young Manx woman, Glory Quayle, who, against the advice of John Storm, a crusading Anglican priest, leaves the Isle of Man to become a successful music hall artiste. Storm goes after her and in a rage is determined to kill her if she won’t repent her life of sin, and recognising that they love one another, Glory agrees to become his wife and help him with his work among the poor.
The play had originally been staged in 1897, when a copyright performance was given at the Grand Theatre in Douglas on the Isle of Man on 7 August, with the actors drawn from Caine’s own family (with Caine as John Storm).14 The first professional production was given in America the following year with Viola Allen as Glory Quayle and Edward J. Morgan as Storm. Evelyn Millard created the role of Glory in England in 1899, with Herbert Waring as the preacher. In Australia, a new adaptation of the novel was made by Wilson Barrett and Bernard Espinaise, and first staged in 1900 with Edith Crane and Tyrone Power in the lead roles. This version was subsequently revived in 1903–1904 (with Cuyler Hastings and May Chevalier) and 1906–1907 (with Charles Waldron and Ola Humphrey). In 1907, Hall Caine devised a new version of the play, given its first performance at the Lyceum Theatre in London, with Alice Crawford and Matheson Lang as the principals. It was this play that was staged in Australia in 1911.
The play saw the return of Eugenie Duggan (wife of William Anderson), who played the role of Glory Quayle, with Roy Redgrave as John Storm, a role he was said to have played ‘over 200 nights in England’. The run was limited to a fortnight pending the arrival of the Plimmer–Denniston company. It seems the success of The Christian lead to the making of a film version featuring the same cast. It was directed by Franklyn Barrett. Sadly, the film is considered lost.15
Saturday, 16 September 1911, saw the return of the Plimmer–Denniston company, under the direction of Allan Hamilton, with the first Sydney production of Nobody’s Daughter. Heralded as “The Best English Play of the Year”, the four-act drama by George Paston (the nom-de-theatre of Miss E.M. Symonds), had already been performed with noted success in Perth, Melbourne, Adelaide and throughout New Zealand.
The story concerns a young girl (Honora May) who, born out of wedlock, is bought up by foster parents in the country. On her nineteenth birthday, her real parents, Colonel Torrens and Mrs Frampton, come to visit, and Mrs Frampton is persuaded to adopt Honoria as her ‘ward’. The Framptons and the Torrens are good friends and Mrs Torrens and Mr Frampton both become suspicious as to the young girl’s real parents. Honoria has a suitor from the country and on learning the truth fears that her sweetheart will reject her. However, he is made of stronger stuff, and the two young people elope. Likewise, after much discussion and tears, Mrs Torrens and then Mr Frampton forgive their spouses for the folly of their youth.
The play had first been introduced t
o the London stage in September 1910, playing at Wyndham’s Theatre for 185 performances. The key roles were played by Gerald du Maurier and Lilian Braithwaite as Mr and Mrs Frampton, Sydney Valentine and Henrietta Watson as Colonel and Mrs Torrens, and Rosalie Toller as Honora May. In Sydney these same roles were taken by Harry Plimmer and Mrs Brough, Reynolds Denniston and Beatrice Day, with Lizette Parkes as the title character. When the Plimmer–Denniston company first performed the play, Valentine Sidney had taken the role of Mrs Torrens.The drama enjoyed a highly successful season in Sydney, playing until Wednesday, 1 November.
The final two nights of the season, 2 and 3 November, saw a revival of A.W. Pinero’s drama The Second Mrs Tanqueray, with Florence Brough as Paula, so her legions of fans were given an opportunity to see her in her most famous role. She had created the part in the first Australian production in 1894 when it was staged under the auspices of the Brough-Boucicault Comedy Company. Supporting roles in the current production were played by Harry Plimmer (Aubrey Tanqueray), Reynolds Denniston (Captain Ardale), Lizette Parkes (Ellean) and Beatrice Day (Mrs Cortelyon).
When Plimmer and Denniston and the Nobody’s Daughter company departed for Queensland, Allan Hamilton stayed on, introducing a new dramatic combination. This new company comprised many old favourites including Beatrice Holloway (making her reappearance in Sydney after her illness), Charles Brown, Robert Greig, and Katie Towers, along with two newcomers, Kenneth Brampton and Lilian Lloyd. The former would go on to have a long career in Australia.
The season commenced, on Saturday, 4 November 1911, with a revival of Beauty and the Barge. This piece, a comedy by W.W. Jacobs and Louis N. Parker, was another play from the repertoire of the Brough-Boucicault Comedy Company, having first been performed by them in Australia in 1905. The heartfelt story of a young woman who seeks the assistance of an old bargee in her quest to run away from her domineering father and an arranged marriage, the play had originally been seen in London in 1904 with Jessie Bateman as Ethel Smedley and Cyril Maude as Captain Barley. In Australia, the roles were created by Winifred Fraser and Robert Brough. For the current production, Beatrice Holloway played Ethel Smedley with Charles Brown as Captain Barley. Advertisements also announced that ‘The ORIGINAL BARGE, specially built at the Haymarket Theatre, London, for the late Mr Robert Brough, will be used in this production’. However, resident scenic artist, Harry Whaite, provided entirely new scenery.
A fortnight later a change of bill saw the reprisal of Why Men Love Women open on 18 November. It was last seen at the Palace in October 1910 when it was performed by the Hamilton–Maxwell company. Katie Towers and Muriel Dale revived their original roles of Matilda Figgins and Baby, while the leads were now played by Kenneth Brampton (Gerald Fielding), Beatrice Holloway (Violet Livingston), with Lilian Lloyd as Muriel Zoluski. With the final performance on 1 December, the Allan Hamilton season came to an end.
With Christmas fast approaching, something of a magical nature was in store for patrons of the Palace.
To be continued
Endnotes
1. This play also formed the basis of the musical See You Later by Guy Bolton and P.G. Wodehouse, with music by Jean Schwartz and William F. Peters, produced at the Academy of Music, Baltimore, April 1918
2. Fisher & Hardison, p.273
3. The Age (Melbourne), 30 April 1910, p.16
4. Titles included: The Girl from Paris (1896), … from Maxim’s (1899), … from Kay’s (1902), … from Up There (1902); and there would be more over the years: … from Brazil, … from Home, … from Montmartre, … from Utah.
5. The Sun (Sydney), 20 January 1900, p.3
6. The Sun (Sydney), 28 January 1911, p. 10
7. Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 25 February 1911, p.2
8. The Sydney Morning Herald, 25 March 1911, p.2 (ad) and 27 March 1911, p. 4 (review)
9. The Sydney Morning Herald, 3 April 1911, p.5
10. The Sydney Morning Herald, 5 April 1911, p.12
11. For more information see Pike & Cooper, p.21
12. For more information, see Tom Liddiard/Liddiard’s Lilliputians, Australian Variety Theatre Archive (ozvta), 2018
13. Both Ancestry and Wikipedia erroneously state that Roy Redgrave deserted his wife, Daisy Scudamore, in England in 1909.
14. Allen, p.256
15. For more information see Pike & Cooper, pp.39–40
References
Vivien Allen, Hall Caine: Portrait of a Victorian romancer, Sheffield Academic Press, 1997
James Fisher & Felicia Hardison Londré, Historical Dictionary of American Theatre: Modernism, 2nd edition, Rowman & Littlefield, 2017
Thomas Hischak, Broadway Plays and Musicals: Descriptions and essential facts of more than 14,000 shows through 2007, McFarland & Co. Inc., 2009
Eric Irvin, Australian melodrama: Eighty years of popular theatre, Hale & Iremonger, 1981
Allardyce Nicoll, English Drama 1900–1930: The beginnings of the modern period, Cambridge University Press, 1973
Andrew Pike & Ross Cooper, Australian Film, 1900–1977, Oxford University Press in association with The Australian Film Institute, 1980
J.P. Wearing, The London Stage, 1900–1909: A calendar of productions, performers, and personnel, 2nd edition, Rowman & Littlefield, 2014
J.P. Wearing, The London Stage, 1910–1919: A calendar of productions, performers, and personnel, 2nd edition, Rowman & Littlefield, 2014
Newspapers
TheAge (Melbourne), The Bulletin (Sydney), The Daily Telegraph (Sydney), The Sun (Sydney), The Sydney Morning Herald
Trove, https://trove.nla.gov.au/
Pictures
Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections
National Library of Australia, Canberra
State Library Victoria, Melbourne
With thanks to
Rob Morrison
-
Little Wunder: The story of the Palace Theatre, Sydney (Part 14)
As ELISABETH KUMM discovers, Sydney’s Palace Theatre continued to do good business during 1913, hosting a new burlesque company from America and return visits by the companies of Allen Doone, Bert Bailey and Allan Hamilton.On Saturday, 21 December 1912, Allen Doone made a welcome return to the Palace Theatre. He opened with a revival of The Wearing of the Green. This was performed for the first fortnight of his season and on 4 January 1913, he introduced The Parish Priest, for the first time in Australia.
Written by American journalist Daniel L. Hart, The Parish Priest had premiered in Middletown, New York State, in January 1900, with Daniel Sully as the Rev. Whalen. The play went on to became one of Sully’s biggest hits, and he performed it throughout the USA for many years, including a five-week season at New York’s Fourteenth Street Theatre in September/October 1900. Daniel Hart wrote several more plays, including Melbourne (1901), set on the goldfields, which was staged in New York the same year under the title Australia. In 1920, The Parish Priest was made into a film starring William Desmond. 1
The Parish Priest was something of a departure from Doone’s usual bill of fare. Set in a small mining town in Pennsylvania, the drama concerns a Roman Catholic priest, the Rev. John Whalen, who takes particular interest in helping right the misunderstanding of two pairs of lovers, one of whom is Helen Durkin, his ward, played by Edna Keeley. As the “tolerant, kindly and affectionate counsellor” with his deep knowledge of human nature and gentle humour, the play provided Doone with an opportunity to demonstrate his skill as a character actor and was the first time that audiences had seen him made-up as an old man. So as not to disappoint his public, he managed to introduce one song into the third act, where sitting by his cosy fireside he sang “The Old-fashioned Mother” (an 1897 song by Chauncey Olcott).
On 25 January 1913, romance returned to the stage with a revival of In Old Donegal. Allen Doone had introduced this play to Sydneysiders during his first Sydney season at the Adelphi in October 1911. As Larry Donovan, the “devil-may-care young Irishman”, he delighted audiences with his songs “Doone’s Rose Song”, “Kate O’Donoghue” (sung for his sweetheart played by Edna Keeley), “Alannah” and “The Tunes We Love to Hear on Paddy’s Day”. With this play, Doone’s Palace season came to an end on 7 February.
Australian drama returned to the Palace on 8 February, with William Anderson’s Famous Dramatic Company. Headed by Eugenie Duggan, with new leading man Cyril Mackay, the season opened with Jo Smith’s The Bushgirl. This play had been performed in Melbourne in August 1909 as The Bushwoman, with Daisy Scudamore as Kate Brandon and Roy Redgrave as the hero, Jack Dunstan.
Described in the bills as “The Stirring Australian Drama of the Blue Ranges”, it is the heroine rather than the hero who is required to extract her sweetheart from several sticky situations, including a trumped-up charge of murder and the ravages of a bushfire. In one thrilling scene, when Jack is being pursued by the police (for a crime he didn’t commit), the officers are prevented from catching him when they are blocked by a group of school cadets (played by a local squadron of boy scouts) carrying out manoeuvres in the bush. And when Jack is trapped by a bushfire (started by the villain), Kate must fell a tree so that it bridges a chasm, providing him with a path to safety.
Packed houses greeted William Anderson’s company. As the Sunday Times (9 February 1913, p.2) noted:
Miss Eugenie Duggan has never seemed more at home in a part than she does as the heroine of “The Bush Girl” [sic]. From her first scene, in which she appears in the homely operation of damping down clothes, Miss Duggan was gladly greeted by last night’s Palace audience as having added a new favourite to the characters of Australian drama. “The Bush Girl” goes far to show how greatly an actress can be assisted by a sympathetic part. As Kate Brandon, Miss Duggan attained a naturalness that is hardly possible to the heroine of some of the English plays in which she has appeared, and that fine actor, Mr Cyril Mackay, provided the right support in the role of the hero.
The Sydney Morning Herald (10 February 1913) concurred:
Miss Eugenie Duggan, who was cordially welcomed back, made sincerity the keynote of the heroine’s character, denouncing the villain in good set terms, and above all, playing the love scenes prettily. These passages were well-written, and Kate’s admission “that when she took to riding in a leading rein, she knew the man who would hold the other end of it”, was touchingly made. Mr Cyril Mackay proved natural, manly and attractive as Jack; and Mr Rutland Beckett’s intensity gave realism to the character of Ackroyd.
The Bushgirl played until 28 February 1913. The following night, 1 March, the romantic drama The Prince and the Beggar Maid by Walter Howard was revived. Once again Eugenie Duggan and Cyril Mackay took the leads. The role of Monica, the Princess who masquerades as a beggar maid in order to win peace for her people and the hand of Prince Olaf, was not a new one for Eugenie, who had created the role in 1910 when the play was performed in Australia for the first time. On that occasion, Prince Olaf, the part now played by Cyril Mackay, was acted by George Cross, with Roy Redgrave and Rutland Beckett as Olaf’s two brothers and rivals. With the current production Rutland Beckett was reprising his original role of Prince Hildred, as was Olive Wilton, who had been the original Camiola. The Sunday Times (2 March 1913, p.2) commended Anderson’s choice of play:
The revival of “The Prince and the Beggar Maid” at the Palace Theatre last night was a good stroke of management on the part of Mr William Anderson. Coming after “The Bush Woman” [sic], the romantic drama by Walter Howard seemed to be even more picturesque than when it was first staged in Sydney at the Criterion Theatre. The play in strong in the elements of love and sacrifice, and there are almost as many “thrills” as one associates with the popular brand of melodrama. Nothing was left undone by Mr Anderson to make the mounting effective, and the acting was remarkably good.
The Prince and the Beggar Maid was withdrawn on 14 March 1913, which also signalled the end of the season.
The Hamilton and Plimmer Comedy Company took control of the theatre the following night, 15 March 1913, commencing their season at the Palace with a revival of Dr Wake’s Patient, for the first time in five years.
Manager Allan Hamilton was a regular at the Palace Theatre, from his first visit in 1906 when he introduced the Society Entertainers, Lydia Yeamans Titus and Leslie Harris, to Sydney audiences. Since that time, he had presented many other companies, notably two seasons in 1911/1912, in association with Harry Plimmer and Reynolds Denniston, when the first Sydney productions of Nobody’s Daughter and Inconstant George were performed. Now, with Denniston having joined forces with Hugh C. Buckler and Violet Paget to open Sydney’s Little Theatre, Hamilton and Plimmer were launching a new company. The line-up was a strong one, headed by G.S. Titheradge, H.R. Roberts, Paul Latham, Beatrice Day and Florence Brough, along with Arthur Styan, Sydney Stirling, Lizette Parkes, Muriel Dale, Kate Towers, and Cyril Bell.
Since its first staging in 1906, Dr Wake’s Patient, W. Gayer Mackey and Robert Ord’s four-act comedy, had enjoyed two revivals in Sydney, at the Palace in 1907 and Criterion in 1908. With the current production, Beatrice Day and Florence Brough reprised their original roles of Lady Gerania Wyn-Charteret and The Countess of St Olbyn, while the principal male roles of Andrew Wake and his son Forrester Wake were performed by Arthur Styan and H.R. Roberts, with G.S. Titheradge as the Earl of St Olbyn.
A crowded audience greeted the opening performance, and as The Sun enthused, the play “had lost none of its freshness” and the acting was “excellent”, upholding the high standards set by the late Robert Brough, who had presented the first Australian production. Dr Wake’s Patient played until 11 April 1913.
The next play was A Woman of Impulse by Victor Widnell. This play was familiar to Palace theatregoers having played a short season the previous November under the auspices of Talbot Ltd, with Madge McIntosh as Lady Langford. A few weeks later, Allan Hamilton purchased the performance rights from Francis Talbot. The play was well-promoted but coming at the end of a very short season, it played only four performances, from Saturday, 12 April to Wednesday, 16 April. Beatrice Day now essayed the role of Lady Langford, with G.S. Titheradge as Sir Matthew West, Harry Plimmer as Sir George Langford, and H.R. Roberts as Carl Navourac. Florence Brough was Mrs Dudley, with Lizette Parkes as Bertha Dudley. Harry Plimmer and Paul Latham were joint directors, and Harry Whaite painted the new scenery.
With the departure of the Hamilton-Plimmer Company, the Lawrence Campbell Comedy Company presented the double bill of Our Boys (the TW Robertson comedy) and The Bishop’s Candlesticks on the 17 and 18 April 1913. Campbell was an English-born elocutionist who immigrated to Australia in 1888, settling in Sydney in the mid-1890s where he established himself as one of the country’s leading instructors in stage and public speaking.2
On Saturday, 19 April 1913, the Bert Bailey Company returned, having just completed a highly successful tour of New Zealand with the bush comedy On Our Selection. The last time they were at the Palace, they presented the first ever production, but as that season was limited to just three weeks, they returned for an extended six-month season, with the intention of remounting the Steele Rudd play and introducing some other novelties.
The cast was largely the same as the first production with the exception of English actress Ada Oakley, who had been specially engaged to play the role of Kate, replacing Mary Marlowe. Reviewing her debut, The Daily Telegraph (21 April 1913, p. 9) noted:
Miss Ada Oakley, an English actress, who made her first appearance in Australia in the somewhat stereotyped part of Kate Rudd, was an immediate success. A charming little manner, albeit somewhat refined for the part of a selector’s daughter, who “had not yet seen a great city,” a good stage presence and a musical voice, are splendid attributes Miss Oakley brings to the old land. There is the faintest suggestion of the stock heroine from Drury-lane in her work, but of her capabilities there can be no question.
The same reviewer went on to say:
Bert Bailey, as before, stood out from the remainder of the cast for a life-like impersonation of the worried, but none the less courageous selector—the man who fights droughts, fire, and intrigue in the backblocks of his native land. Serious at times, and amusing anon, he got as close to the author’s idea of the man pictured as anyone is ever likely to get.
After six-months on the road, any defects had been ironed out, and play now ran “brisky from rise to fall of curtain”.
The play proved a run-away success, with the “house full” sign on display night after night. However, just three weeks into the season, plans for a six-month season were upturned when William Anderson prevailed upon Bailey to cut his stay short so that he may bring in his next attraction, The Grafters. Bailey and co. agreed to vacate the Palace on 12 June and head to Melbourne, where they replaced Anderson’s company at the King’s, with the understanding that they could return to Sydney on 16 August to present their second attraction, The Native Born.
As arranged, The Grafters opened at the Palace on 14 June 1913. This company heralded from the United States and comprised some forty artists. Under the management of W.R. Hughes, the American Musical Burlesque Company (the performing name of the Oriental Amusement Company of America Pty. Ltd.) was visiting Australia as part of a tour of the Pacific. Since their departure from San Francisco on 23 November 1912, they had already visited cities in China, Japan and the Philippines. The Australian leg of the tour opened in Melbourne on 15 March 1913 and proved such a success that they negotiated with William Anderson to oversee the rest of their Australasian tour, which would take them to Sydney, Newcastle, Brisbane and New Zealand.
The company was organised along similar lines to the American Travesty Stars who had appeared at the Palace nine years earlier. In place of Kolb and Dill and Barney Bernard, who were the undisputed stars of the earlier combination, were comedians Bert Le Blanc, Frank Vack and Dave Nowlin; along with leading lady Gertrude St Clair, and character comedienne Eugenie Le Blanc. The company’s opening gambit was The Grafters, “a two-act musical scream”. Comic songs, dances and snappy dialogue interspersed the flimsy plot that sees various people, including three tramps, keen to take control of a country town following its owner’s demise. In the end, the prize goes to Mazie Fogg, a lady golf caddy, who also happens to find the decease’s will under a tree.
The Sunday Times (15 June 1913, p.2) was quick to draw comparison with the 1904 company:
While Kolb and Dill are not eclipsed and Barney Bernard is not outclassed by the new Hebrew impersonator, it must be acknowledged that the Musical Burlesque Company have a bigger and better show than the Travesty Stars. The whole entertainment is on a more liberal scale than the one in which Mr Blake appeared, and the chorus and ballet give “The Grafters” the animation of musical comedy as we have musical comedy mounted and performed in this part of the world.
Although some of the humour was lost on Sydney audiences, the music and songs were a decided hit. The four comedians, Bert Le Blanc, Dave Nowlin, Frank Vack, who played the tramps, and Harry Burgess, who was the village constable, were well received, as was Eugenie Le Blanc as the lady golf caddy.
Several members of the company remained in Australia following the close of the tour, notably Bert Le Blanc (ne Bertram Leon Cohen, 1884-1974) and Harry Burgess (1877-1935).3
After eight-weeks, The Grafters was withdrawn and for the final twelve nights of the season, commencing on 2 August, the company presented another musical burlesque, The Speculators. This new show followed a similar trajectory to the first one: a insubstantial plot (involving a fraudulent stockbroker), but teaming with colour and movement in the form of song and dance routines, as well as humorous set pieces performed by Bert Le Blanc and Frank Vack as Dennis Blossom and Mike Bloom, two would-be speculators, one Jewish and the other German. Harry Burgess as a crazy Russian added to the fun, and Eugenie Le Blanc was amusing in the comic role of Jenny. But it was the two principal comedians who made the show, as the Sydney Sun (3 August 1913, p.10) observed:
The success of the whole piece depended solely upon their work, and it was in good hands. A funnier couple never stepped the stage in Sydney. From the moment they were flung into Cheatam’s office by a crazy Russian Nihilist, they provided fun, and good fun at that. Their dancing and singing were excellent, but it was their comedy acting that hit the audience.
The Speculators was withdrawn on 15 August 1913, and the following evening, as arranged, Bert Bailey and company returned with The Native Born.
The Native Born was a “novelty drama” in four acts by Albert Edmunds (i.e. Bert Bailey and Edmund Duggan) with Bert Bailey as the undisputed star of the show, playing Charles Spinifex, a magician, hypnotist and wonder worker, giving him the chance to show off his skills as an amateur illusionist. As the image on the poster suggests, the action of the play takes place in the shadow of Mount Kosciusko, where Ned Blackmore (Richard Bellairs), an unscrupulous land-grabber, seeks to acquire land that is rich in gold. With the help of the illusionist, Jack Hillgrove (Guy Hastings), the son of the landowner, manages to save the land and his girl, Lily Armidale (Ada Oakley), from the grasp of the villain.
This play had premiered in Hobart on 8 February 1913, when it played three nights at the Theatre Royal.4
Under the heading “Black Art in Melodrama”, the Sydney Sun (17 August 1913, p.4) provided an apt summary:
The striking and novel feature of the play is the introduction of the Black Art into the bush-life of New South Wales. The inimitable drollery of Mr Bert Bailey puts a touch of unquenchable laughter into a finely staged piece of conjuring work which is woven into the story of love and greed.
The Native Born played for just a fortnight and was withdrawn to make way for The Golden Shanty, which was given its world premiere on 30 August 1913.
The Golden Shanty was a play in four acts by Melbourne journalist Edward Dyson, based in part on his 1889 short story of the same name. Having served his “apprenticeship” by localising English plays for Bland Holt, this was his first full-length play.5 Set in and around the Shamrock Hotel in a gold mining town, the story involved an assorted group of characters and their reactions when it is discovered that the brick walls of the shanty hotel contain gold. Once again, Bert Bailey “stole the show”. As Chiller Green, an amateur pugilist, he “kept his audience in a simmer of laughter, working up again and again to geyser bursts of uncontrollable mirth”. (The Sun, 31 August 1913, p.4) Ostensibly a melodrama dealing with dirty dealings on the diggings, it was the comedy elements and Bert Bailey’s impersonation that helped make the play a success. In concluding their review, the Sydney Sun noted: “Special congratulations are to be offered to two people: To Mr Bailey, that he had Mr Dyson create a character for him; and to Mr Dyson, that he had Mr Bailey to play it.”
It was hoped that this play, replete with “quaint characterisations”, would become as popular as On Our Selection. Newspaper reports and interviews with Dyson and members of the Bailey company puffed its credentials, but sadly, apart from its Sydney outing, it was staged only a handful of times on tour. It did not make it to Dyson’s hometown of Melbourne.5
Two weeks later, on 13 September 1913, Bailey introduced another new play, The Ninety and Nine, a 1902 American drama by Ramsay Morris. Inspired by the hymn of the same name, the play, which was relocated to an Australian setting, tells the story of a dissolute engineer, Tom Silverton, who loses himself in drink after separating from an unworthy woman, but when a nearby town is ravaged by forest fire, he is the only man with the specialist knowledge to save the 600 inhabitants from certain death. The fire however is not Tom’s only worry; he has also been wrongly accused of theft and murder. But through the love of good woman, he succeeds in saving the town and finding the necessary proofs to prove himself an innocent man. With this play, Bert Bailey contented himself with the small role of a telegraph operator, but despite the sympathetic acting of Guy Hastings and Ada Oakley, critics still awarded Bailey with the “honours of the piece”. The success of the play also rested on the realistic fire scene, which was created using special light projectors imported from America.
With three weeks to go before the end of the season, On Our Selection was presented as the final offering. The enthusiasm of this play outweighed the popularity of any of the other new plays in the company’s repertoire. As the Referee (1 October 1913, p.16) observed:
No locally written comedy has ever scored the wide success that has attended the dramatization of Steele Rudd’s famous book, and in spite of its long previous runs in this city, it is reputed to be packing the house nightly this week, and still bringing large sums into the coffers of the Bert Bailey management.
With the close of the season on 17 October 1913, the Bert Bailey combination left on a short tour of country New South Wales, before heading, for the first time, to Western Australia.
On 18 October 1913, Allen Doone’s introduced Barry of Ballymore, for the first time in Sydney. The play had received its Australian premiere at the Princess Theatre in Melbourne on 30 August 1913. Written by Rida Johnson Young, it had originally been performed in America in 1910 with Chauncey Olcott in the title role, supported by Edith Browning as Lady Mary Bannon. Set in eighteenth-century Galway, the drama tells the story of Tom Barry, an artist, who returns from Paris with a French girl, who turns out to be the daughter of Lord Bannon by his first wife. Lord Bannon has another daughter, Lady Mary, by his second wife, and Tom falls in love with her. After many complications, Tom and Mary are married.7
As the Sydney Sun (19 October 1913, p.10) observed:
There are intense love scenes, fierce hatreds, bubbling mirth, and the ancient mysteries surrounding an apothecary who indulges in crystal gazing. The whole lot is bound together with a thread of melody which allows Mr Doone to lilt in a soft musical voice several new songs, which the boys will be whistling on the street to-morrow morning, the best of them being an entirely new “Mary” … “My Heart’s Bouquet”, “Eyes of Irish Blue”, and “Mother Asthore”.
A month later, on 15 November 1913, Doone planned to revive Molly Bawn, but as he had contracted a cold and was “unable to sing the five difficult songs incidental to the play”, The Parish Priest was staged instead.
The final three weeks of the season, still sporting a sore throat, he mounted a new play, The Rebel, which was given its Australian premiere on 22 November. Written by J.B. Fagan, the drama revolves around the exploits of Jack Blake, the leader of the rebels, who falls in love with the daughter of the local squire and enjoys many exciting adventures. First performed at the Academy of Music in New York on 20 August 1900, Andrew Mack created the role of the singing rebel. Doone (despite his cold) played the role of the “indomitable Jack” with his “usual excellence”, ably supported by Enda Keeley as Eileen, his sweetheart. Doone’s songs (which he also composed) included “For Ireland and Liberty”, “Doone’s Lullaby” and “Eileen Aroon”. 8
Two years later, in 1915, Allen Doone and Edna Keeley starred in a film version of The Rebel, shot in Sydney, under the direction of American J.E. Mathews for Mathews Photo-Play Company. 9
The season came to an end on 12 December 1913.
The year ended with the return of the American Musical Burlesque Company on 20 December 1913. They brought with them a new show—A Day at the Races.10 Sub-titled, “The Realistic and Exciting Musical Racing Revel” in two acts, the program proclaimed rather boldly “The Furore of New York for Two Seasons”. Indeed, there seems to have been a show with the same name doing the rounds in late 1904, but the character names are different, and it only notched up a few performances on Broadway. Nevertheless, the show, as it was performed at the Palace, was a huge hit. “The house was packed with a crowd that laughed from start to finish”, wrote the Sunday Times (21 December 1913, p.6), “and the hilarity was quite justifiable”. As with the previous show, the scant plot served as a device upon which to hang a stream of amusing songs, skits and dances. As well the old favourites, Bert Le Blanc, Dave Nowlin and Harry Burgess, there were a several new faces, with Paul Stanhope, Elaine Ravensburg and Anna Clark now replacing Frank Vack, Gertrude St Clair and Eugenie Le Blanc. The departure of Frank Vack and Eugenie Le Blanc seems to have occurred unexpectedly as they were announced as being in the show.
A Day at the Races played until 30 January 1914.
To be continued
Endnotes
1. See Internet Movie Database, https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0012549/
2. See Australian Variety Theatre Archive (Ozvta), https://ozvta.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/campbell-lawrence-1192018.pdf
3. For more on Bert Le Blanc and the American Musical Burlesque Company, see Australian Variety Theatre Archive (Ozvta), https://ozvta.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/le-blanc-bert-1172012.pdf; https://ozvta.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/american-burlesque-co-2492014.pdf
4. In Australian Melodrama, Eric Irvin lists Theatre Royal, Adelaide, 1 March 1913, as the first performance of The Native Born.
5. Dyson also wrote a one-act play, The Climax, which was produced by the Melbourne Repertory Company at the Academy of Music in Melbourne on 15 April 1913. Dyson’s two plays are not mentioned in his ADB entry, https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/dyson-edward-george-ted-6073
6. On tour The Golden Shanty played a few nights each in Newcastle (29-31 October 1913), Maitland (4 November 1913), Launceston (30-31 January 1914) and Hobart (11-13 February 1914). Perhaps it was due to the comparative failure of this play that Dyson did not write again for the theatre.
7. New York Clipper, 3 September 1910, p.722
8. Sydney Morning Herald, 24 November 1913, p.4
9. See Andrew Pike & Ross Cooper, Australian Film, 1900–1977, p.70. The Rebel (1915) appears to be Allen Doone’s only foray into the movies.
10. The Sun (Sydney), 12 December 1913, p.2, attributes A Day at the Races to [Will] Hough and [Frank] Adams, with songs by Joe Howard. Other than the title, the work has no connection with the 1937 Marx Brothers movie. Hough, Adams and Howard did work together on several musicals, notably The Land of Nod (1905), A Stubborn Cinderella (1908), and The Golden Girl (1909).
References
Australian Variety Theatre Archive (Ozvta), ozvta.com
Dan Dietz, The Complete Book of 1900s Broadway Musicals, Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham, MA, 2022
Internet Movie Database, www.imdb.com
Eric Irvin, Australian Melodrama: Eighty years of popular theatre, Hale & Iremonger, 1981
Andrew Pike & Ross Cooper, Australian Film, 1900–1977, Oxford University Press in association with The Australian Film Institute, 1980
Newspapers
Trove, trove.nla.gov.au
Pictures
National Library of Australia, Canberra
State Library of South Australia, Adelaide
State Library Victoria, Melbourne
J. Willis Sayre Collection of Theatrical Photographs, University of Washington Libraries
With thanks to
Rob Morrison
-
The Ubiquitous Mr Barnett: Australia’s first film director
Continuing our exploration of all things Falk, we asked SALLY JACKSON, a former curator at the National Film and Sound Archive and Walter Barnett expert to take a look at the 1896 film of the Melbourne Cup, which Barnett directed in association with Marius Sestier who was in Australia to promote the Cinématographe Lumière.The year 1896was a turning point in the life and career of top Australian photographer, Henry Walter Barnett (1862-1934). In April his dear friend and mentor Tom Roberts married; 1 in May, Barnett completed his series of theatrical portraits of Mrs Brown-Potter and Kyrle Bellew on their second tour of Australia; 2 he permanently split with long time business partner and financial backer Aaron Blashki 3; on the 8 September the remaining contents of his Sydney home were up for auction completing the move to Melbourne; 4 and, on 29 September 5 it became known he was involved in the operation and dissemination of ‘the marvel of the century’, 6 the Cinématographe Lumière, a machine which projected moving pictures. Not only was he regarded as Australia’s most enigmatic and most accomplished photographer but Henry Walter Barnett would become the first Australian to be a successful filmmaker when the first Australian films to be made were then subsequently screened in October and November 1896.
Barnett was perfectly placed to become involved with the moving image. His two Falk studios, in Sydney and Melbourne, with well set up printing and processing rooms, would adapt to processing moving image film. He also had expert darkroom and processing staff who would, no doubt, welcome the challenge. His photographic career had brought him into the limelight in the Australian theatrical world with his brilliant photographs of amongst others, Sarah Bernhardt, Cora Brown-Potter, the Broughs, and their companies. The public would respond to Barnett’s involvement as they understood he was a person of integrity. They also recognised him as a man who took opportunities. 7
Without doubt, Barnett’s intention was to bring to the films the same that he had brought to the public through his photography—the popular theatrical star. The difference is that in the films the celebrity is walking, talking, smiling and laughing, in other words animated. It was a tantalising opportunity and it worked. Across the country reviewers noted that the audience took great delight in recognising the famous faces. Indeed, the films were a veritable who’s who and, unsurprisingly, the presence of Barnett was also noted:
‘Well-known figures pass and re-pass in living semblance to their very selves, prominent amongst them being the ubiquitous Mr Barnett himself, to whose enterprise is due this triumph of up-to-date living pictures.’ 8
‘Mr Barnett who seems to be manipulating the crowd after the manner of a great general, is not without its effect on those amongst the audience who recognise him.’ 9
Theatre entrepreneur J.C. Williamson featured heavily in Barnett’s work as Barnett had an arrangement to photograph the theatrical stars who performed for Williamson & Musgrove and retail the resulting photographs. 10 It was Williamson who linked Barnett with the French married couple, Marius Sestier (1861-1928) and Marie-Rose Puech (1873-1957), who arrived, unannounced, in Sydney on the 16 September 1896. 11 The Sestiers were the official representatives of the frères Lumière, and the couple had come direct from the Indian city of Bombay after a very successful season of the Cinématographe Lumière, ‘the marvel of the century’, the crème de la crème of contemporary moving image projection apparatus.
Marius Sestier and Marie-Rose Sestier had left their home in Lyon, France in June 1896 to take the Cinématographe Lumière to Bombay (now Mumbai) in India and then on to Australia. Marius was a local pharmacist with his pharmacy on the Ave de Saxe in Lyon’s 3rd arrondissement. Marie-Rose had been a shop assistant and manager in her parents’ drapery store in the town of Beaucaire. She now managed her home in Lyon, the pharmacy and the Cinématographe Lumière.
Shortly after they arrived in Sydney the Sestiers found themselves with a promoter in Williamson & Musgrove, and two managers Charles Babbington Westmacott and Henry Walter Barnett. 12 It was this arrangement which put Barnett on the screen, literally. As promoter for the Sydney and Melbourne seasons of the Cinématographe Lumière, Williamson had been wanting a cinematographe to incorporate into his shows. But in correspondence with his business partner, George Musgrove, in August 1896, Musgrove advised that “the cinematographe has not developed sufficiently to do what you propose in the pantomime”. 13 In the meantime the projection of moving images advanced and the timing of the Sestiers’ arrival and Williamson’s plans for the annual Christmas pantomime, a revival of the 1895 pantomime, Djin Djin, the Japanese Bogie Man, ideally suited him.
Also ideal was the relationship between Sestier, the scientist, and Barnett, the photographer artist. Although their sense of aesthetics may have been different, both professions required the practise of rigorous precision to achieve their goals. They were well suited as working partners.
The first public screening, the premiere to the Sydney public of the Cinématographe Lumière was on 28 September at the Salon Lumière at 237 Pitt Street. 14 Recently used as an auction house the space was large enough to fit the 12ft ornate screen, the Cinématographe Lumière, and a large seated audience. It also had electricity, the vital element to make it all work.
The Salon Lumière operated every day except Sunday with around eight sessions daily. The program of between 12 and 30 films would change regularly. Certainly, the Sestiers would be present at the sessions but it’s not clear if Barnett was as well. Given that Marius had little English, and although Marie-Rose was quite proficient, it may be that Barnett attended every session. However, we do know that he was present when the Australian-made films were screened and indeed when they were produced.
Part of the responsibility of the Cinématographe Lumière representatives was to shoot films in the countries they visited and return them to France where they would be added to the Lumière catalogue and subsequently shipped out to other countries. The Sestiers had attempted this in India but had been defeated by the monsoon and the postal system. 15 They had greater success in Australia with 17 films completed and screened by the time they left in May 1897.
Recognition of Barnett’s role in the making of the films has been mentioned in Australia’s film history mainly due to his presence in three of the remaining nine films. 16 Those films in which he appeared are perhaps graceless, unlike those in which he does not appear, because his motive is transparent—to bring celebrities past the camera. However, on examining all the remaining films it’s possible to discern a much greater role than previously supposed as Barnett’s photographer’s eye for scene composition is clearly in play.
Below is a list of the films made in Australia in 1896. Those in bold are the only ones that are known to remain and those marked with an asterisk are the ones in which Barnett makes an appearance:
- Passengers Leaving s.s. Brighton, at Manly, Sunday Afternoon (4 October, Manly, Australia).
- Derby Day (The Betting Ring) (31 October, Melbourne, Australia)
- Lady Brassey Placing the Blue Ribbon on “Newhaven” aka Decoration of Newhaven Derby Winner (31 October, Melbourne, Australia)
- Arrival of the Train at Hill Station (3 November, Melbourne, Australia)
- The Lawn Near the Bandstand (3 November, Melbourne, Australia) *
- Arrival of H.E. Brassey and Suite (3 November, Melbourne, Australia)
- The Saddling Paddock (3 November, Melbourne, Australia) *
- Finish of Hurdle Race, Cup Day (3 November, Melbourne, Australia)
- Finish of the Race (3 November, Melbourne, Australia) *
- Weighing Out for the Cup (3 November, Melbourne, Australia)
- Near the Grandstand (3 November, Melbourne, Australia)
- Afternoon Tea Under the Awning (3 November, Melbourne, Australia)
- “Newhaven” his Trainer (W. Hickenbotham), Jockey Gardiner (3 November, Melbourne, Australia)
- The Post-Office Near George Street (24 November - 19 December, Sydney, Australia)
- NSW Horse Artillery at Drill, Victoria Barracks, Sydney, (By permission of Lieut-Col. H.P. Airey) (16 September – 24 November)
- NSW Horse Artillery at Drill, Charge of Guns and Gunners, Victoria Barracks, Sydney, (By permission of Lieut-Col. H.P. Airey) (16 September – 24 November)
- Patineur Grotesque (16 September - 23 December 1896)
The Melbourne Cup films were necessarily filmed and screened in chronological order providing the audience with an accurate account of the day. As far as is known this was the first time in the world that an event was filmed creating a series, a linear narrative of an event. It’s fair to say that the Cup Carnival films provided the template for all future Melbourne Cup film coverages.
The first film on the program was Arrival of the Train at Hill Station. Unlike other train films of the time, which were mostly filmed on the platform at eye level, Hill Station was filmed from above the platform from the stationmaster’s rostum 17 providing a more expansive view of the train, the platform and most importantly the large crowd disembarking the train. Reports from the first screening indicate that the audience enjoyed picking out the famous faces in the crowds, as they would for the other films. While it’s impossible to know why Sestier and Barnett decided to break with common practice, it may have been to obviate the curiosity caused by their presence on the platform and keep faces away from the lens. However, they could still be seen by the crowd with only a few glancing upwards, most wanting to get to the Cup as soon as possible. Or, perhaps it was Barnett understanding that a more spectacular view could be had from a higher vantage point.
Although Barnett does not appear in the sixth film on the program, Arrival of H.E. Brassey and Suite, the clearly visible glance which Lord Brassey gives as he walks towards the camera may well be directed towards him. Perhaps Barnett was the only face Brassey recognised. Admittedly this is conjecture, but it is possible that Barnett was standing in that direction close to the camera. Brassey’s discomfort did not go unnoticed:
‘Falk’s plans for cinematographing Gov. Brassey and party in the act of marching up the Lawn at Flemington were ingeniously laid. Escape was impossible for the noble baron, so when he found himself roped into taking a certain course, with the eye of the apparatus gazing straight at him, he accepted the situation and walked along somewhat like a cat upon hot bricks, as shown in the picture.’ 18
Whether or not Barnett can be seen does not diminish the significance of this film. It is elegantly orchestrated given that it is filmed in real time with no cuts or other edits and no opportunity for rehearsal. With only 60 seconds in which to capture the whole Vice Regal contingent from the moment the carriage arrives and they disembark, walk along the cordoned path, past the crowd and then come face to face with the camera and on towards their enclosure the audience sees almost all those present.
There are four notable moments:
1. The attending policeman aware of the camera and undertaking control to protect both the Brassey entourage and the camera and its crew. There is a clear but silent call “To stay back”.
2. Brassey’s glance as noted above.
3. Lady Magheramorne giving a lovely smile towards to camera.
4. At the end when the Vice Regal party has passed by and the crowd begins to disperse a tall rotund man wearing a bowler hat and sporting a fob watch chain on his waist coat steps out and looks towards the camera. He gives a turn as if disoriented and steps back into the crowd. This man is J.C. Williamson.
In terms of the Melbourne Cup itinerary the arrival of the Vice Regal party signified the formal beginning of the day’s racing and proceedings, the most anticipated being the running of the Melbourne Cup. The film, Weighing Out for the Cup is immediately after the running of the Cup and is of a large continuous swell of people watching the proceedings as horses and jockeys are brought up to be weighed. At first glance all we see is an image of a crowd so dense we can’t make out what’s going on. This was the case for the Bulletin’s “Sundry Shows” reviewer who described it as ‘a stream of people drifting by, and consist mainly of hats and umbrellas. 19
However, a closer look enables us to make greater sense of the film and we can see an impressive structure of three levels of activity. Could this be Barnett’s photographer’s eye at work or a simple accident of positioning?
At the bottom of the screen there is a frantic throng of punters rushing to the right, some notice the camera, and a man stares into it, but most don’t even acknowledge it. As this film was screened after the Finish of the Race, most people are rushing to the Betting Ring to collect their winnings.
In the middle of the screen things are a little more subdued as the crowd watches the weighing-in process and to see Newhaven come in from the field. These punters want to make sure Newhaven is the winner before they go to collect their winnings or need to deal with having lost.
At the top of the screen there is calm as the VRC officials watch and usher in the jockeys to the weighing room. They observe the crowd calmly and usher the jockeys into the weighing room.
The film that closed the series, “Newhaven” his Trainer (W. Hickenbotham), Jockey Gardiner, is a postscript to the day. It is so very different in style and content to the other films. It’s not busy, there are no crowds, there are no celebrities to be paraded past the camera. The only celebrity here is Newhaven post his Cup win. The role of the camera is to offer an opportunity to admire this horse who won two consecutive Melbourne Cups. It’s simple and deliberate, particularly as there is a noticeable scene direction when Hickenbotham looks to the camera for instruction.
Frame enlargement from Finish of the Race (Sestier and Barnett, Australia, 1896). Using his handkerchief Barnett, centre left, lifts his hat and wipes his brow after his energetic attempt to rouse excitement in the crowd. Also of note is his brother, photographer Charles Barnett in a white suit on the far right.
The three films in which Barnett does appear are not only different because he is in them but because they are celebrity-based. The celebrities include the theatrical, and the race track bookies, all of whom are captured by the camera.
The three films are very different to each other. The first, and most celebrity-filled, is The Lawn Near the Bandstand. This film covers the great melange of those who inhabited the social, political and theatrical realms. The second film is The Saddling Paddock, a film that is about the horses. And, the third is Finish of the Cup Race, which is about the excitement of the race, the crowds at the fences, and the Melbourne Cup bookmakers.
In The Lawn Near the Bandstand, the Cinématographe Lumière is centred in the frame and draws much attention from the public. The crowd is constantly moving in all directions and the audience is trying to take in all this activity. The film begins with the crowd swelling around the camera and people looking into it as they stroll past, or in some cases making a bee-line for it. From the top left-hand side come two people walking closely together past the camera and the contemporary audience immediately recognised the actors George Titheradge and Florence Brough whose theatrical company was performing in Melbourne during the Cup Carnival. 20 Barnett is seen a few times in the crowd, and very close to the camera as he escorts other members of the Brough company. 21 Stealing this film though is Barnett as he circles the crowd near the camera as if searching for prey.
Regardless of the fact that Barnett was recognisable, his actions and those of the celebrities are out of kilter with the rest of the Cup Day crowd. The crowd, mostly, amble along, their only purpose is to parade their Cup Day finery, to see and be seen. Barnett’s actions are so purposeful—to create something extraordinary for the audience, that his and their self-awareness is quite distracting.
The Saddling Paddock, where the horses are prepared for their race, was a favourite place for punters and others to gather. A visit to the Saddling Paddock was a prestigious event as it was somewhat exclusive due to the expensive entrance fee keeping out none but the serious punter or the well-to-do. This made it a good location for the Cinématographe Lumière to film and the camera was set up in front of the stables and close to the tree-lined avenue where the horses would be led to the track.
The opening of the film is quite serene compared to the scenes from the Lawn. There is a gathering of men watching the horses or glancing at the Cinématographe Lumière both of which are off screen. To the left of the screen are men seated on the benches under the trees. A young woman in a light-coloured dress is seen walking just as the horses are beginning to be led past the camera. Then suddenly there are people walking into the scene rather absurdly as if someone has shouted “Fire!”. Soon afterwards, from the centre of the screen, Barnett has walked in beside the young woman in the light-coloured dress and the fellow who has accompanied her only to be confronted by an upset horse. By Barnett’s attention to the young woman an assumption can be made that she is probably a theatrical star. 22
Once again, as in The Lawn Near the Bandstand, Barnett is unmissable in this film and it is just as awkward. In an attempt to create “action” in what was a quiet but interesting scene, the Cinématographe Lumière, Barnett and his associates have distracted from the normal events in the Saddling Paddock, the very events they went in to film and they have created mayhem.
However, caught up in the scene is Tom Fitzgerald, one of the Fitzgerald brothers who owned and ran the Fitzgerald Circus. Tom was a renowned horseman and when the film opened in Adelaide he was easily recognised. 23
The major event of the Melbourne Cup program was Finish of the Race and it is an exciting and extraordinary film because it is the very first time the Melbourne Cup was filmed. Although it’s obvious that Barnett was not intending to be caught on film the fact that someone was spoiling the scene made him act.
The Cinématographe Lumière is pointed towards the Finishing Post which we can see just above the heads of the crowd. Standing almost centre frame was a “fielder”, a bookie who worked the field rather than the Betting Ring. He’s staring directly into the camera and he doesn’t know what it is he’s looking at. He distracts from the running of the race and so Barnett runs into shot with his left elbow crooked and raised which he uses to manoeuvre the chap away. Simultaneously, Barnett raises his hat in an attempt to animate the crowd into a state of excitement, although he is only partially successful.
A few seconds later the race is over and Newhaven has won and immediately the crowd is animated and moving off to collect winnings or pay debts. The parade of people past the camera includes the “fielders” and a few of these can be identified: Abe Kurts, Maurice Quinlan, Charlie Westbrook, Jacobs, and Barney Allen. Barnett has already walked off screen, mopping his brow, due to the heat of the afternoon.
What is intriguing about Barnett’s role with the Cinématographe Lumière is that it did nothing for his career as a photographer. In fact, and although short-lived, he became a figure of ridicule for his antics on screen. Perhaps, it was to understand better what he saw as a potential rival to photography, especially as the cinematographe was referred to as “the new photography”. 24 Or, maybe the motive for his taking on the Cinématographe Lumière was financial rather than professional given that he was planning to leave Australia on 30 January 1897. 25 As was reported, Williamson claimed that he and his partners enjoyed a £1000 profit within its first three weeks of screenings. 26 For someone planning to leave Australia and set up in London as Barnett was, the prospect of greater financial gain must have been at least part of the attraction.
Barnett’s work as a photographer of the rich, famous and important, provided him with good connections across society. His successful business was founded upon the vanity of high society and the sales turnover of his theatrical cabinet card portraits which gave him an appreciation of the currency of celebrity. When Walter Barnett guided the famous past the Cinématographe Lumière he knew the resulting footage would appeal to press and audiences around the world. And he was not wrong:
‘Well known figures pass and re-pass in living semblance to their very selves...’ 27
‘The audience found a vast fund of amusement in picking out well-known faces as they occurred in the throngs, and indeed, quite a society column of “those present” might be written if space permitted.’ 28
Barnett’s exceptional photographic eye was inherent in everything he undertook. What these films confirm is that each time we see Barnett on the screen it is as The Photographer adjusting the pose of the sitter for the best result. Without him the Australian films included in the Catalogue général des vues positives in 1896 would have nothing to identify them as different to the hundreds of other films included. They are unique as Barnett was unique.
Endnotes
1. Registration Number 1876/1896, Marriage Certificate, Births Deaths and Marriages Victoria
2. Melbourne Punch, 4 June 1896. Two of Barnett’s most recent photographs of actors Mrs Brown-Potter and Kyrle Bellew and can be found in the Falk Album.
3. The Age (Melbourne), 11 February 1897
4. The Sydney Morning Herald, 7 September 1896
5. The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 September 1896
6. Bombay Gazette (India), 7 July 1896
7. Corille Fraser, Come to Dazzle, Sarah Bernhardt’s Australian tour, Currency Press, Strawberry Hills, NSW, Australia, 1998
8. The Sunday Times (Sydney), 6 December 1896
9. The Referee(Sydney), 25 November 1896
10. Barnett’s work in The Falk Album on the THA website.
11. The Sydney Morning Herald, 17 September 1896
12. The Daily Telegraph, (Sydney), 29 September 1896
13. George Musgrove. ‘Letter to J.C. Williamson’ 21 August 1896. National Library of Australia, MS5783, Folder 9/4b
14. The Sydney Morning Herald, 28 September 1896
15. Sally Jackson, Almost the Greatest Scientific Invention of the Age, Screening the Past, Issue 41, April 2019. For more information about the Sestiers in India.
16. Chris Long, ‘Australia’s First Films, Part Three: Local production Begins’, Cinema Papers, No 93, May 1993. In this work by researcher and historian Chris Long, Barnett’s role in the making of the films is explored. Long gives Barnett credit for his participation particularly in his who’s who knowledge of the crowds.
17. According to the Australian Railway Historical Society, Victorian Division, the rostum was an open tower-like structure and was used by the Station Master or a Traffic Inspector to direct race crowds, to shout instructions to the station assistants and through the use of flags give instructions to the guards and other railway staff.
18. The Bulletin(Sydney), 26 December 1896
19. The Bulletin(Sydney), 5 December 1896
20. The Australasian (Melbourne), 31 October 1896
21. The identification process of potential candidates has been undertaken by matching names from the Brough Company against the names of those attending the 1896 Melbourne Cup. The social pages of the contemporary press list the Cup attendees as well as their outfits thus providing a methodology for identification.
22. The identity of this young woman, dressed in the fashion for adolescent females, that is, a white dress with a coloured waist band and a small purse slung over her shoulder is quite possibly Maie Saqui as Barnett had photographed her recently.
23. Chronicle (Adelaide), 2 January 1897
24 The Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 21 December 1896
25. Barnett’s actions throughout 1896 indicate a big change was coming in his life as he packed up and sold off his home and ended his long-term business partnership.
26. The Advertiser (Adelaide), 8 December 1896
27. The Sydney Mail, 28 November 1896
28. The Daily Telegraph (Sydney) 25 November 1896
Sally Jackson
Formerly the Curator, Film, at the National Film and Sound Archive, Canberra, Sally Jackson’s focus continues to be early Australian cinema, in particular the first films by Sestier and Barnett. She is currently investigating the role of women in early Australian photography on her website photoria.com.au